ISSN: 2572-7184 (print) • ISSN: 2330-1392 (online) • 2 issues per year
Published Open Access as part of the Berghahn Open Society collection.
The f-word used to be inappropriate for polite company, but today nobody seems afraid to
say it, loud and proud. Hollywood stars and world-famous pop singers can openly claim
to be feminists; it is now acceptable for mainstream celebrities to emulate that which more
radical independent feminist artists have been doing for the past few decades. This gradual
mainstreaming of feminism, facilitated in part by easier and wider access to communication
technology, is reflected all over mass media. The last couple of years have also seen a number
of high-profile female celebrities engaging in feminist political action. When Angelina Jolie and
Emma Watson are UN ambassadors in projects that aim to promote the emancipation of women
worldwide, when pop singer Beyoncé openly declares that “we have a way to go [to achieve
equality] and it’s something that’s pushed aside and something that we have been conditioned
to accept,” (Vena, 2013) their voices are heard by a wider audience, one that might not have been
reached by the voices of activists and scholars who have for decades denounced the problems
caused by gender discrimination. February 11th 2007 set the date for what would be an intense and passionate discussion on
a gendered health related issue in Portugal: abortion. In the referendum, approximately 44%
of the eligible population voted, and from these 59% voted for the legalization of abortion in
Portugal. Hence, this referendum brought about changes in the Portuguese law, which now
allows legal abortion to occur at the desire of the woman until the 10th week of pregnancy.
The present research consists of a study in which 205 university students fully responded to
4 data collection sessions between November 2006 and March 2007. The goal of the study
was to understand the most relevant psychosocial variables when trying to explain the voting
intentions and voting behavior of Portuguese youth. The variables in the present study included
participants’ gender, political orientation, religious affiliation and practice, sexual attitudes and
attitudes towards abortion. Our results show that all of the above variables, except for gender,
are relevant for the opinion formation about this topic. Approximately 94% of our participants
reported they had the intention to vote, although only 64% of these actually voted on the day of
the referendum. Finally, we found that participants rely mostly on the strength of their attitudes
towards abortion in relation to their voting intention, while relying mostly on the strength of
their normative religious beliefs in relation to their voting behavior. Implications of our results
for understanding the politics of abortion legislation are discussed. Arab Spring movements in many Arab countries revealed a gap at the heart of Arab society and politics: the large-scale subalternity of Arab women in such movements. In this essay, I hypothesize that, with few exceptions, Arab women have always avoided participation in social and political activism because of their fear of political rape – raping women as punishment during political turmoil. The essay traces the history of political rape through different stages of Arab history. The examples are taken from history, literature and international reports and they mainly cover three countries: Syria, Egypt, and Libya. These examples prove that vulnerable women’s horror at any possibility of their being sexually abused and then rejected by their families and society has always haunted them, preventing them from struggling or protesting. The essay concludes that subalternity is the only stance from which Arab women can encounter political rape. Then, the essay discusses the subalternity of Arab women in the light of the thought of the postcolonial critic Gayatri Spivak. This argument leads to the contention that the silence of Arab women vulnerable to political rape should not be considered passive and that feminist theories and actions cannot be successful in supporting subaltern Arab women without the ethical responsibility theorized by Spivak as the most appropriate approach to the subaltern female. This approach entails respecting subaltern Arab women’s culture and fears and avoiding any attempt to make them copies of the European feminist self. Subaltern Arab women who are afraid of being sexually abused have the right to protect their bodies and stick to their culture while still participating in public life. Much has been written about the role the internet played during the Arab uprisings of 2011,
with particular attention paid to social media, whether Facebook, Twitter or blogging, and the
extent to which it contributed to organizing the mass protests. Another recurring theme of
the analysis of the uprisings was the role played by women, with Western media in particular
emphasizing their contributions and debating whether this marked a pronounced increase in
women’s agency. My article seeks to respond to these issues through an analysis of two Egyptian
women’s blogs. Instead of contributing to the well-known debate about the internet’s capabilities
for facilitating action, I examine how blogs observe resistance, exploring this through notions
of digital testimony and autobiography. I then consider the issue of solidarity and whether this is
gendered, which is an important issue to consider in light of the focus placed on women’s roles
during the protests. Ultimately I aim to demonstrate that these Egyptian women’s blogs offer us
new and productive ways of thinking about the role the internet played during the Arab uprisings
and the autobiographical act, leading us to acknowledge the complexities of both solidarity and
articulations of selfhood. This article investigates contemporary representations of androgyny and the strategic
possibilities of punk-androgyny within a postfeminist imaginary. In looking at the characters
Lisbeth in the Swedish film trilogy The Girl With A Dragon Tattoo and Kino in the Japanese
anime series Kino's Journey, I am interested in connecting the metonymy of punk dress to
representations of transgressions of gender norms. My investigation looks at the concept
that gender is “unread” through androgyny which manifests as visual signifiers that make up
the punk metonymy. The subjects (characters Lisbeth and Kino) erase the signifier of gender,
through punk-androgyny, in order to reclaim power and identity within a (masculinized)
subculture and mainstream society. Androgyny is not the desire to be the opposite sex as in
a transgender subjectivity. Instead, androgyny is a strategy of aesthetics that transgresses the
normative structure of language and signifiers that refer girls and women as less than or as Other
through the normative codes of feminizing. In addition to arguing that punk metonymy erases
explicit or readable/normative gender signs, I analyze how the motorcycle is situated as an
extension of the body. The use of motorcycling propels the literal and figurative androgynous
bodies through space in overt transgressive actions against the establishment; it provides agency,
motility and ultimately new subject positions for the female protagonists. Through a critical
analysis drawing from cultural and post-feminist theory and through the examination of specific
scenes, this article aims to investigate punk aesthetic as a post-feminist strategy. In this article we focus on the potential for an alignment of certain feminist artistic practices and
poststructuralist conceptions of critique that may enable ways of theorizing practices of resistance
and engender ways of practicing resistance in theory, without the lurch back into masculinist
forms of dogmatism. It will be claimed that an ontological conception of art, considered as that
which makes a difference in the world, can not only challenge the primacy of the dogmatic and
masculine ‘subject who judges’, but also instill ways of thinking about, and ways of enacting,
feminist artistic encounters with the capacity to resist dogmatism. The theoretical stakes of this
claim are elaborated through complimentary readings of Deleuze and Guattari’s constructivist
account of philosophy and Irigaray’s feminist explorations of what it means to think from within
the 'labial', rather than from the position of the dominant phallic symbolic order. We argue that
this creative conjunction between Irigaray, Deleuze, and Guattari provides the resources for a
conceptualisation of both feminist artistic practice and the critical practice of poststructuralist
philosophy as forms of resistance to the dominant patriarchal order, in ways that can avoid the
collapse back into masculinist forms of dogmatism. Revel’s discussion of the role of constituent
rather than constituted forms of resistance is employed to draw out the implications of this
position for contentious politics. It is concluded that constituent practices of resistance can
be understood as a challenge to the phallogocentric symbolic order to the extent that they are
practices of a labial art-politics. The role of women in making art and the agency of the overly-represented female body
in artistic practices have been crucial debates in twentieth-century Western feminism and beyond.
In particular, it was in the wake of the second wave of feminism, with the emergence of poststructuralism
and deconstruction, and the postmodern turn that critical assessments of the arts
started claiming back female spaces and voices in the midst of a still largely patriarchal artistic
scene. Derek Ryan’s Virginia Woolf and the Materiality of Theory is an exploration of “Woolf’s writing
alongside Deleuze’s philosophy and new materialist theories of ‘sex’, ‘animal’ and ‘life’.” What
might at first glance sound like yet another exegetical effort to elucidate new meanings in
Woolf’s writing—this time using new materialist approaches—is in fact a claim towards an
understanding of Woolf’s literary practice as itself a form of theorizing. In Ryan’s intriguing
study, Woolf emerges as a precursor of, and inspiration for, contemporary philosophical and
critical approaches that privilege matter and material relations as productive venues for
“nonanthropocentric conceptualizations” of the world (9).Volume 2 Issue 1